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One of the main ethnic groups in Benue State is the Idoma tribe, which has a fascinating and rich history characterised by migration. This article delves into various aspects of Idoma culture, including their geographical location, origins, traditional attire, marriage customs, festivals, religious beliefs centred around the Alekwu spirit and burial practices.
This comprehensive exploration provides valuable insights for those eager to understand the Idoma people or dissatisfied with existing information.
Location and Economy of the Idoma Tribe in Nigeria
Idoma tribe is located south of the Benue River and has a population of over one million people, according to the 1991 census. It is situated in the Benue River valley and Cross River basin, stretching from the Southern banks of the Benue River to the Northern fringes of Igboland, covering 5,955 square kilometres.Â
The Idomaland is bounded by the river Benue in the North, Igbo and Ogoja lands in the South, Tiv and Igede lands in the East, and Igala land in the West. The geographical boundaries of their region were established in the mid-nineteenth century and have remained unchanged despite colonial-era changes.Â
Idoma land’s physical features consist of three types: Benue floodplains, the Northernmost escarpment of the Agatu district, and a narrow strip passing through Agatu territory extending south of Benue River some kilometres east of Lokoja and the Niger-Benue confluence area.
The plains in the south are flooded from August to October, surrounded by gently undulating areas covering Owukpa, Orokam, Otukpa, and parts of Onyagede, Ugboju, and Agatu districts.
The region’s landscape is characterised by flat-topped, steep-sided ridges rising from 1000 to 1500 meters above sea level. The eastern part of the region covers approximately one-third of Idoma land and consists of hilly terrain rising at least 500 meters above sea level.
Rivers and streams in the northern districts flow into the Benue River, while those in the South flow into tributaries of the Cross River. In the southern and southwestern districts of Oju, Igumale, and Agila, they flow into the Onwu River, a tributary of the Cross River. In Western Idomaland (Otukpo and Orokam), water scarcity during the dry season leads to the use of palm wine for domestic purposes.Â
The land is nourished by perennial streams that form rivers like Ogbadibo, Ogengen, Okpokwu, Onyongo, Ombi, Ogoli, and Ogaji, often overflowing during the rainy season.
It mainly comprises sedimentary rocks such as shales and sandstone from the Cretaceous period. The Benue floodplains have coal-bearing sandstones, while the shales contain different types of limestone. Most of Idomaland has red, deep, and sandy loam soil, except for the Benue floodplains, which have hydromorphic and alluvial soils. The Utonkon area has fertile subsoil mixed with greyish clay soil.
Like other parts of Nigeria, Idomaland experiences two seasons: the wet and dry seasons. The wet season, influenced by maritime monsoon winds, typically starts in April, breaks in August, and ends in October, with frequent rainfall and thunderstorms.Â
The heaviest rainfall in Idoma occurs in July and September, with an annual average of 1016 to 1524mm. The dry season is characterised by the harmattan wind from the Sahara Desert, which lasts from late November to March. It brings lower temperatures (25oC and 35oC) and high humidity (60% and 90%).
The land is abundant in mineral resources such as ironstones, gypsum, kaolin, coal, bauxite, common salt, clay, and building materials. Coal and limestone were mined during and after colonialism, while geological surveys suggest the presence of petroleum oil in the Apa local government area.
Due to the moderate fertility of the soil, agriculture is the main economic activity in Idomaland. Many people engage in full—or part-time farming, which holds significant cultural value. Scholars, such as V. G. O’Kwu, have emphasised the vital role of agriculture in earning a livelihood and determining the territorial boundaries of clans in Idoma.
Farmers in the region cultivate various crops, including yam, coco-yam, water-yam, sweet potatoes, and more. Today, Cassava and rice, important cash crops, were introduced in the 19th century. Despite being an agrarian society, traditional farming methods, such as hoe cultivation and bush following, needed to be revised due to limited agricultural knowledge.
Idoma people were skilled in manufacturing various items, including agricultural tools, weapons, baskets, clothes, and household goods. Their knowledge of iron predated their migration from Apa but was further developed through interactions with the Igbo and Igbo. Blacksmiths (Ai-Onowa) were highly respected in Idoma society and even mentioned in the Alekwu chants and songs.Â
They also engaged in cloth weaving, wood carving, leatherworking, sculpting, and basket weaving. Cloth from the textile industry was exported to northern districts like Agatu and Ochekwu, as well as central Idomaland. However, many of these traditional crafts are still practised in present-day Idomaland.
Origin of the Idoma Tribe
Early studies on the Idoma tribe linked their origins to the extinct Akpoto ethnic group. S. Crowther popularised this view in 1854, suggesting that the Akpoto once occupied the land now inhabited by the Igala, Idoma, and Igbira. Research continues on the relationship between these groups, with evidence supporting their ancient presence in the Niger-Benue confluence area.
Armstrong and Ukwedeh argue that the Akpoto likely formed a kingdom or were a crucial indigenous group that influenced the formation of modern Igala, Igbirra, and Idoma societies. Hence, Oral traditions from these ethnic groups support the idea that the Akpoto were the region’s earliest inhabitants.
The Idoma tribe reject the name “Akpoto” as derogatory, claiming it was used initially for the Igala people of the Ankpa region. They identify themselves, their language, and their land as Idoma. The reasons for the derogatory nature of the term are unclear, but it has become associated with the Eastern marches of Igalaland in Ankpa. Some sections of the Idoma tribe still use the term, especially those with origins in Igalaland.
From the research above, the meaning and significance of the Akpoto phenomenon in the legend of the origins of a particular ethnic group remain uncertain. It is believed that “Akpoto” could refer to a geographical kingdom that once existed in the Benue Valley region, encompassing various ethnic groups. The persistence of this name between the Idoma and Igala peoples could demonstrate extensive historical interactions and intermingling between the two groups, as evidenced by migration and cohabitation.
The origin and ethnic identity of the Idoma tribe have been linked to the Igala, who are believed to be a subgroup of the Yoruba. This theory suggests that before 1500 A.D., the Okpoto and Igara (Igala) occupied separate territories around the Niger River, with the Igara eventually settling among the Okpoto.
The Idoma are seen as a mixture of Igara and Okpoto influences, potentially synthesising the two groups. Linguistic evidence also supports the connection between the Idoma, Igala, and Yoruba languages within the Niger-Congo family of African languages. This indicates a shared cultural heritage among these groups. Erim concluded that the Yoruba factor in Igala and Idoma cultures cannot be ignored.
Another perspective suggests the Idoma, Igala, and Yoruba formed a social complex in the upper Benue region until 6000 years ago. They had similar beliefs, worshipped local gods, and had a common language. Today, they speak different dialects of the proto-language.
Another research suggests the Idoma people believe their origins trace back to Apa (Beipi), possibly linked to the capital of the Kwararafa confederacy. Scholars agree that the Kwararafa confederacy once existed in the Benue Valley, with the Idoma being one of its many ethnic groups. Idoma traditions agree that they left the Apa due to insecurity from warfare.Â
After being defeated by Ali Ghaji (1476 – 1503), Kwararafa’s decline began. Dynastic conflicts and power struggles associated with the ascendancy of the Jukun led to the disintegration of Apa society. This sparked mass migrations of Idoma, Igala, Igbirra, and other ethnic groups as the era of decline took hold.
By the early 16th century, the Idomas had started migrating and spreading across the Lower Benue region, mainly south of the river. This migration led to their eventual dispersion over areas inhabited by the Tiv, Igala, Igbirra, and themselves.
According to Erim, the first wave of Idoma migrants, including Ugboju, Adoka, and Otukpo, occurred between 1535 and 1625. The migrations continued till the late eighteenth century with the Tiv migration into the Benue valley. Erim believed that the migration led to the collapse of the evolving new Apa, disrupting peace and tranquillity.
Tiv migrants quickly displaced the Idoma due to political fragmentation, numerical inferiority, and the nature of migration, and then spread across the territory. This led to feeble resistance and their displacement from ‘Apa I’. Tiv migrations trapped the Etulo, an Idoma-speaking group that could not migrate quickly.
Separated from their Idoma kin, they now reside alongside non-Tiv in Katsina-Ala. Similarly, Doma and Keana lost territory towards the Benue River.
Some Igalaland migrants migrated westwards into modern Idomaland, claiming Apa as their ancestral home. They argued they migrated to Igalaland after leaving Apa earlier but were forced to leave due to political reasons for Western modern Idomaland. Erim contends that the bitter political struggle in Igala led to numerous migrants fleeing to Idomaland between 1685 and 1715. These migrants now form the core of Western Idoma districts like Otukpa, Orokam, Ichama, and Ogbadibo. O’kwu considers these migrants the second category of Idoma migration, giving the impression of being Igala by origin.
The Idoma tribe, which settled in the Idoma region by the late 19th century, had consolidated their territories at the expense of smaller ethnic groups like the Igede, Akweya, and Ufia. The Idoma pushed the Igede towards the Eastern fringes of their territory, while the Ufia and Akweya were encircled by the Idoma and formed bilingual micro-nationalities in Idomaland. By the end of the 18th century, the Idoma ethnic group had firmly established themselves in their current location.
From the research of Idoma history, it is observed that the Idoma tribe has its origins and development in a complex and long-lasting migration from the Apa cradle land, which led them to their present location. This migration was a significant aspect of their pre-colonial history, as both the history and location of Apa evolved within the context of the people’s belief in its realness.
Secondly, after its collapse, the people moved out of the Kwararafa kingdom, not as a cohesive body under a single leadership but in waves under separate leaders. These leaders were referred to as both the founders of various clans and their chiefs, which accounted for the relative ease with which the Tiv displaced the people from Apa I and the thinly dispersed nature of their settlement pattern throughout the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries within the Benue valley.Â
Lastly, the settlement process continued until the last quarter of the eighteenth century, suggesting that the people made contacts and interacted extensively with several Nigerian ethnic groups during their migrations. These historical considerations may explain the contemporary Idoma society, which consists of a heterogeneous number of populations mysteriously speaking the same language.
Social and Political Institutions in Idoma Tribe
The Idoma social and political organisation is based on the patrilineage or Ipoopu, which consists of one or more lineages, Ipooma, tracing their origins to a common ancestor. The charter for associating these component patrilineages and settlements can range from shared ancestry or kinship to voluntary associations between lineages of diverse origins. Distinctions exist between locals and immigrants or strangers.
The family of Ole is considered the smallest unit in traditional Idoma society, usually led by Adoole, and settles disputes among its members. Power and authority are diffused within the community, creating various foci of influence. The Ojila, or Ojira 67, is the highest government organ in the traditional Idoma political system. It is a mass meeting of all adult males and the supreme congress of the community. Elders, Ai-Onyakwuoche Ole, and other influential individuals monitor the Ojila’s conduct, while young men are observers and only speak through their elders.
The Ojila, a political organisation, was governed by a consensual democratic principle, making it difficult for any individual or faction to control the assembly. The land spokesmen, Ai-Igabo, and the ancestral and earth cult owners, Ai-Obialekwu, formed a gerontocratic class in the Ojila. Still, they needed help to convert it into a select council of elders. Despite being dominated by elders, the Ojila also integrated the views and interests of the youth. Young men, often of acclaimed bravery, intelligence, and reputation, were allowed to speak, allowing achievement to enter the rigid division of labour based on age. The concept of gerontocracy meant that elders had a monopoly on deliberative and policymaking. Still, the execution of these policies depended entirely on the youth, who were the backbone of the village constabulary.
He also selected the Oche (King), Ai-Igabo (graded title holders), and Ai-Uta/Ai-Oga. The Ojila was a political organisation among the Idoma, alongside the Oche or King. Despite cultural changes, Oche’s office remains ancient in Idoma society.
The origins of this organ in the Idoma’s political configurations are unclear, but surprisingly, in an egalitarian society, an institutionalised leadership emerged. The Oche institution in Idoma tribe is deeply rooted in religion, serving as the community’s king and religious head. The Oche was the priest-chief and presided over most cults in the community, including the Aje (earth) and Alekwu-Afia (ancestral) cults. His spiritual responsibilities made him the chief mediator between kindred groups and their ancestors and the focus of all traditions that bind them.
The Oche performed symbolic death and burial ceremonies among Ugboju, Otukpo, and Ochobo people. Afterwards, the Oche among the Akpa and Otukpo were forbidden to travel outside the kingdom, except in certain areas like Onyagede and Otukpo. He is also not expected to see a corpse or the Western rainbows, Onaji or Owo’hogwa, symbolising the death of a native doctor, Obochi.Â
His status is characterised by traditional regalia, including a coral bracelet called Oka, a royal stool called Akpa, a staff called Okwute, and a red cap called Ofula. He is surrounded by elaborate etiquette and addressed by a title that varies by community. He also receives tributes such as trophies of game animals and symbols of war and brave exploits, such as elephant tusks, lion and leopard skins, python skins, Senegal coucal feathers, and captured enslaved people.
Idoma Traditional Attire
The Idoma tribe with a unique culture, values their “Atu” emblem, fostering unity and identity. The Atu is a unique fabric made of red and black, worn proudly by any Idoma person, especially during occasions or festivities. This emblem speaks volumes about the Idomas’ beliefs and symbolises their cultural identity.
The black colour in the Idoma emblem represents death and the belief in moderation and modesty. Idoma tribe believe in death and life after death, with people living on earth called Aleche and those buried returning to live in another form called O’lekwu. This belief is shared by many African ethnic groups, including the Sonjo, who view death as a gradual process. Chief Antenyi believes that the “Alekwu” are spirit beings who visit their progenies on earth in masquerades, protecting them from calamities and checking on their activities.
The red colour in Idoma traditional attire symbolises authority, power, and invincibility, bestowed on every Idoma person by the spirit of the ancestors, “Alekwu.” The red also symbolises the blood of their heroes who defended the Idoma in wars and battles for emancipation.
The Och’idoma, the leader of the Idoma people, wears traditional attire on most occasions. The traditional dress of his palace is adorned with red and black. This attire is worn during official functions and essential occasions like annual cultural festivals and marriages by Idoma sons and daughters.
Idoma Traditional Marriage Rite
Firstly, there’s introduction (okonù ó hetu ache Æ™ olonya). This is when the groom’s family introduces themselves to the wife’s family with drinks, wine, and kolanuts presented to the bride’s father. Thus, everyone is officially introduced. Then, the bride’s father will call her to ask if she knows the proposed suitor and wants him to accept the drink.Â
Secondly, “échi omie Æ™ olonya or échi ónya omiê” is when the groom’s family meets with the bride’s family to discuss the correct date for the traditional marriage. While choosing a date, a particular amount of money is to be paid for setting the date, depending on the bride’s family.Â
Thirdly, there is the “échi onya olé” (traditional marriage) proper, where all the conventional marriage rights would be fulfilled.
During the bride price collection, certain members of the groom’s and bride’s families are selected for “Ojujû”. Ojuju means discussion, where those members practically do negotiations for the bride price. It starts with the bride’s family representative, starting from the highest amount, from 2 million. This is just a way of making the groom’s family know the bride’s worth, and it is essential to note that the initial amount is not the final bride price. In most cases, the groom’s family will beg, present a more suitable offer, and start eulogising the bride’s family. Then, the bride’s family representative will decide to remove a certain amount from the bride price because of a particular member they respect in the groom’s family. When they have an agreement, they can bring it to the general house or gathering. At this time, whatever amount was agreed upon would be present to the house.
The concluded bride price will be placed in a bowl with low denominations of naira while the bride is called to pick any amount, mainly the smallest amount and raise it; it is believed that if she picks the smallest amount, it means she likes the man and doesn’t want him to spend much money. On the other hand, the bride’s father will also remove a small amount of money from the bride’s price and give the rest to his son-in-law to take care of his daughter to signify the marriage has been sealed. In some traditions, after payment and the conclusion of the marriage rites, the bride price is returned to the man, telling him that their daughter is not for sale; in the case of trouble, they can easily carry their daughter because they did not sell her.
In Otukpa, bride price is paid according to the bride’s educational qualification; it’s more like repaying everything spent on the child from the beginning of school, while kola nut is not used during marriage rites in places like Adoka.
FestivalÂ
The ‘Eje Alekwu’ festival is a yearly celebration in Benue State, Nigeria, between March and April, where the chief priest sacrifices for good yield, and the general population celebrates with dances and merriment. The festival is a communal hunting event, with the largest catch offered to the god of the land for fertility. The spirits that appear during the celebrations include Eje, Aje-eje oope, and Alekwu.
The festival occurs in the local Otukpo, Ado, and Okpowu governments. The spirits of the ancestors manifest as masquerades, known as the Alekwu Afia, who run through genealogies of the descent in a poetic-laden tune. The Alekwu poetry is viewed as a sourcing agent for sustaining cultural values and identity. The Idoma communities celebrate the festival in different calendar months.
The Idomas and Alekwu Spirit
Idomas have a solid connection to the Alekwu, a spirit of ancestors that acts as an invisible watchdog for families and communities, preventing vices like adultery, theft, and murder.
The Alekwu deity is part of the Idoma tribe’s cultural heritage and worship, leading the spirit of the dead from the physical realm to the metaphysical realm. It cleanses the land from troubles and offers hope to the people. The Alekwu deity supervises women and men, chastening unfaithful women by repaying them with unexplainable conditions and playing specific customs to mollify spirits.
The long history of Alekwu’s law protects sex, disputes, and social injustices. Families under Alekwu’s spell may face sudden death, sickness, and unusual ailments. To help guilty parties, they must admit their violations and undergo an apology procedure.
Religion
The Idoma people have a unified religious belief in God (Owoicho), the Supreme Being, and have established intermediaries such as ancestors (Alekwu), spirits (Alelekwu), earth goddesses (Aje), and other spirits-inhabited objects. The Idoma tribe religion consists of four components: the belief in the high God (Owoicho), the belief in the earth goddess (Aje), the belief in an ancestral cult (Alekwu), and the belief in the spirits (Alelekwu).
FAQs
What is Idoma Traditional Dance?
The Ogirinya dance is a renowned traditional Idoma dance, a highly energetic activity that involves regular jumping on the toes and legwork.
What Is Idoma Traditional Food?
Okoho is a traditional soup from the Idoma tribe in Benue State, Central Nigeria, made from the Cissus populnea plant. It is a slimy soup from the Okoho stick served with bush meat, pounded yam, semo, eba, and yam flour. It is highly medicinal and aids digestion. Okoho is a popular food in Idoma events, including weddings, burial ceremonies, and birthdays. The Igalas also refer to it as Okoho, while the stick is Ajara or Orogbolo by Yorubas.
Who Is the traditional ruler in Idoma land?
The traditional ruler in Idomaland is Och’idoma.
What Is the Burial Rite in Idomaland?
In Idoma tribe, the wives are not buried in their husband’s villages, so when they die, they take them back to their father’s compound to be buried.